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Photographic 

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/fop 


Q/yott/uvest 
CdUectiorv 


SPEECH 


JOHN  M.  CLAYTON,  OF  DELAWARE, 


vtos 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION, 


DELIVERED  IN  THE  SENATE  01--  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


FCBRITAIIT   12,    1846. 


WASHINGTON : 
PRINTED  BT  GALES  AND  SEATON. 

1846. 


SPEECH. 


The  joint  resolution  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  proposing 
to  give  notice  to  Great  Britain  of  the  intention  of  this  Government  to  anniU 
the  treaty  for  the  joint  occupation  of  the  Oregon  territory,  and  the  resolu- 
tions of  Messrs.  Hannegan,  Calhoun,  and  Crittenden,  having  relation, 
to  the  same  subject,  coming  up  as  the  special  order — 

Mr.  JOHN  M.  CLAYTON,  of  Delaware,  rose  to  address  the  committee, 
but  wished,  before  he  proceeded,  that  the  Secretary  would  read  first  the 
amendment  moved  by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  (Mr.  Allen,)  and  referred 
by  the  Senate  to  the  Committee  on  Foieign  Relations. 

It  was  read  accordingly,  as  follows  :  • 

A  joint  resolution  to  annul  and  abrogate  tlie  convention  of  the  sixth  day  of  August,  one  thoosand 
eight  hundred  and  twenty-seven,  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  Ureat  Britain,  rela- 
tive to  the  country  westward  of  the  Stony  or  Kocky  Mountains. 

Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  Huun,'  of  Rfvresentatives  of  the  United  States  of  America  in 
Congress  assembled.  That,  in  virtue  of  the  second  article  of  the  convention  of  the  sixth  of  August, 
•one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  twenty-seven,  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  Great 
Britain,  relative  to  the  country  westward  of  the  Stony  or  Rocky  Mountains,  the  United  States  of 
America  do  now  think  fit  to  annul  and  abrogate  that  convention,  and  the  said  convention  is  hereby 
accordingly  entirely  annulled  and  abrogated  ;  Provided,  That  this  resolution  shall  take  effect  after 
the  expiration  of  the  term  of  twelve  months  from  the  day  on  which  due  notice  shall  have  been 
givento  Great  Britain  of  the  passage  of  this  resolution.  And  the  President  of  the  United  States 
is  hereby  authorized  and  required  to  give  such  notice,  and  also  at  the  expiration  of  said  oonventioo 
to  issue  his  proclamation  setting  forth  that  fact. 

Mr.  C.  then  requested  that  the  amendment  reported  from  the  Committee 
on  Foreign  Relations  be  next  read.  .   . 

It  was  read  accordingly,  as  follows : 

Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Unitid  Stales  of  America  in 
■Congress  assembled,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  advised  to  give, 
fotthwitb)  notice  to  the  Govemaient  of  Great  Britain  that  the  Government  of  the  Uhited  States 
will,  in  virtue  of  the  second  article  of  the  convention  of  the  sixth  of  August,  Anno  Domini  eigh- 
teen hundred  and  twenty-seven,  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  relative  to  the  Oregon 
territory,  and  afler  the  expiration  of  twelve  months  from  the  day  on  which  such  notice  shall  have 
been  received  by  the  Government  of  Great  Britain,  aimul  and  abrogate  that  convention. 

Mr.  Crittenden  then  rose  and  moved  the  resolutions  heretofore  sub- 
mitted by  hini,  in  the  form  of  a  substitute,  or  ameiidment  to  the  amend- 
ment of  the  committee,  and  asked  that  they  be  read. 

They  were  read  accordingly,  as  follows: 

Whereas,  by  the  convention  concluded  on  the  30th  day  of  October,  1818,  between  the  United 
.States  of  America  and  the  King  of  the  United  Kingdom  oJ  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  for  the  period 
■of  ten  years,  and  afterwards  indefinitely  extended  and  continued  in  force  by  another  convention  of 
the  same  parties,  concluded  the  6th  day  of  August,  1887,  it  was  agreed  that  any  country  that  may 
be  claimed  by  either  party  on  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  westward  of  the  Stony  or  Rocky 
Mountains,  now  conunonly  called  the  Oregon  territory,  should,  together  with  its  harbors,  bays, 
ai^d  Vfff^t  iuid  the  navigation  of  all  rivers  within  the  some,  be  "free  and  oj^n"  to  the  veiteliL 


ir)B2'j!* 


citizens,  fiiiJ  sulyfcts,  of  the  two  Powers,  but  without  prejui'.icf  to  any  ehiiin  which  either  of  the 
parties  ini'j-ht  have  to  any  part  of  >!aiil  country  ;  and  witli  lliis  further  provision  in  tiie  socoMd  article 
of  the  saij  convention  of  the  6th  August,  1827,  Ihiit  ciltier  I'urty  niiglit  abrogate  and  annul  said 
convention  on  giving dui'  notice  of  twelve  months  to  the  other  contracting  party:        ' 

And  whereas  it  has  now  lietoinc  desiralile  that  the  reupcctive  claims  of  the  United  States  ond 
Great  Britain  should  he  delhiiteiy  settled,  and  tliat  said  territory  may  no  longer  than  need  be  re- 
main sul)ject  to  the  evil  consequences  of  the  divided  allejiiaiice  of  its  American  and  Uritish  popula- 
tion, and  of  the  confusion  and  conflict  of  national  jurisdictions,  dangerous  to  the  cherished  peace 
and  good  understanding  of  the  two  countries: 

With  a  view,  therefore,  that  steps  he  taken  for  the  abrogation  of  the  said  convention  of  the  6th 
August,  1827,  in  the  mode  presciibcd  in  its  2d  article,  and  that  the  attention  of  the  Governments 
of  both  countries  may  be  the  more  e.irncstly  and  iam\ediately  directed  to  renewed  eil'orls  for  tlic  set- 
tlement of  all  their  ditlercnces  and  disputes  in  nvpect  to  said  territory  : 

Be  it  resolved  In/  ilie  Seiate  u/id  Hunsn  of  liiipnsentaliven  of  the  Unittd  Stute.i  of  America 
in  Congresn  amemLltd,  'I'hat  the  I'rcsident  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  authorized, 
at  his  discretion,  to  fiive  to  t!ie  Uritish  Government  the  notice  rci|uirei1  by  its  Si^iid  2d  article  for  the 
abrogation  of  the  said  convention  of  life  6th  of  August,  1827  :  Provided,  /loiuever,  That  in  order 
to  afford  ampler  time  and  opportunity  for  the  amicable  settlement  and  adjustment  of  all  their  differ- 
ences and  disputes  in  respect  to  said  territory,  said  notice  ought  not  to  be  given  till  after  the  close  of 
the  present  session  of  Congress. 

Mr.  J.  M.  CLAYTON  then  addressed  the  Senate: 

Two  distinct  propositions  (said  he)  have  been  submitted  to  the  Senate, for 
giving  notice  to  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  tlifit  the  convention  provid- 
ing for  the  joint  occupation  of  the  territory  of  Oregon  sliali  ct^ase  at  the  ter- 
mination of  twelve  months  from  the  giving  of  such  notice.  There  has  alsa 
been  offered — though  it  is  not  now  regularly  before  the  Senate,  having  been 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Uelations,  who  have  it  still  before 
them — another  proposition,  which,  on  that  account,  is  not  now  a  proper  sub- 
ject of  discussion :  it  is  the  resolution  adopted  on  the  same  subject  by  the 
House  of  Representatives.  The  two  resolutions  now  before  the  Senate  difler 
from  each  other  in  these  respects.  That  reported  from  the  Committee  on  For- 
eign Relations  proposes  to  give  the  notice  in  question  by  authority  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  witiiout  conferring  on  the  President  any  dis- 
cretion in  the  matter ;  it  takes  the  whole  responsibility  of  the  measure  j 
it  proceeds  on  the  assumption  that  Congress  has  the  sole  authority  and  con- 
sequent responsibility  of  giving  this  notice  recommended  by  the  Executive. 
The  other  proposition,  now  moved  by  my  honorable  friend  from  Kentucky, 
in  the  form  of  an  amendment  to  the  amendment  of  the  committee,  proposes 
to  throw  the  responsibility  of  this  measure,  which  the  President  has  recom- 
mended to  Congress,  on  the  President  himself;  it  confers  on  him  the 
authority  to  give  this  notice,  after  the  present  session  of  Congress,  if  he, 
under  all  the  circumstances,  shall  then  see  it  most  expedient.  It  does  not, 
at  the  same  time,  deny  his  right  to  withhold  the  notice,  if,  from  what  may 
have  occurred  since  the  communication  of  his  recommendation  to  Congress, 
it  shall  appear  to  him  most  wise  that  such  notice  should  not  be  given. 

The  two  propositions  differ  also  in  another  and  a  very  important  respect. 
The  latter  holds  out,  if  not  expressly,  at  least  by  the  clearest  implication, 
that  all  negotiations  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  ought 
not  now  to  be  held  as  finally  closed,  and  amounts  to  a  recommendation 
that  the  Executive  shall  continue  the  existing  negotiations  with  a  view  ta 
the  peaceable  adjustment  of  the  conflicting  claims  of  the  two  Governments. 
Between  the  two,  I  can  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  I  prefer  that 
offered  by  the  honorable  Senator  from  Kentucky.  The  other  proposes 
in  effect  that  notice  shall  be  given  immediately,  and  leaves  the  Presi- 
dent no  discretion  in  the  case.    It  assumes  that  Congress  are  so  thoroughly 


acquainted  with  tlie  wlioie  subject,  and  every  thing  that  can  by  possibility 
have  any  bearing  upon  it,  that,  no  matter  what  may  have  occurred  al- 
ready, or  what  may  or  shall  occur  hereafter,  the  notice  must  be  given. 
To  this  proposition  I  have  insuperable  objections ;  I  cannot  consent 
to  it.  But  it  is  due  to  myself  that  I  should  say  that  my  opposition  to  it 
springs  from  no  factions  spirit ;  I  know  no  party  leeling  on  £?reat  questions 
like  this,  which  touch  the  foreign  relations  of  my  country, .  I  never  have 
entered  as  a  party  man  on  the  ronsidoration  of  questions  which  vitally 
alfect  those  relations,  nor  have  those  who  are  in  the  habit  of  acting  politi- 
cally with  me  here.  Honorable  Senators  must  well  recollect  the  course 
we  all  took  on  the  occasion  of  the  setllenipnt  of  our  Northeastern  boundary. 
Senators  on  neither  side  of  this  Chamber  acted  on  that  occasion  as  party 
men.  The  subji^ct  was  not  discussed  as  a  party  measure.  On  the  contrary, 
after  a  prolonged  discussion  of  its  merits,  we  then  came  to  a  unanimous 
result,  and  presented  to  England  an  undivided  front. 

The  same  thing  happened  on  another  occasion,  when  I  enjoyed  the  honor 
of  a  seat  upon  this  floor  :  when  we  were  upon  the  eve  of  a  war  with  France, 
because  the  French  Governinent  refused  to  pay  us  the  twenty-five  millions 
agreed  to  by  her  in  Mr.  Rives's  treaty.  There  wa-?  no  party  division  on 
that  occasion.  An  honorable  Senator  from  Kentucky,  now  no  longer  a 
member  of  this  body,  but  then  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations,  drew  up  and  submitted  to  the  Senate  a  report,  at  the  close  of 
which  was  a  resolution  which  met  the  unanimous  approbation  of  all  the 
members  of  this  body.  At  that  time  we  resolved,  one  and  all,  to  stand  by 
our  country,  and  to  assert  our  own  rights. 

I  say  therefon^  again,  that  there  has  been  no  occasion  on  which  I  have 
known  this  Senate  sink  itself  so  low  as  to  divide  into  mere  parties  ax\d  fac- 
tions on  any  great  question  involving  the  foreign  relations  of  this  country. 
I  trust  in  God  we  shall  witness  no  such  division  now.  That  we  shall  all 
perfectly  agree  respecting  any  proposition  which  may  be  submitted  on  this 
Oregon  controversy,  is  not  probable,  perhaps  scarcely  possible.  Each. 
Senator,  acting  on  his  own  iridependent  personal  conviction  of  duty,  will 
press  his  own  views  of  what  ought  to  be  the  public  policy.  But,  though 
we  may  not  be  able  to  find  one  common  platform  on  which  we  all  can 
stand,  yet  I  do  suppose  there  is  not  a  Senator  here  who  will  cast  liis  vote, 
either  directly  or  indirectly,  on  a  purely  party  ground.  For  my  own  part, 
I  here  declare,  with  the  utmost  frankness,  that,  whatever  may  be  my  opinion 
in  regard  to  the  negotiatio.is  of  the  Executive  department  on  this  question 
of  Oregon,  and  of  the  manner  in  which  those  negotiations  have  been  con- 
ducted— whatever  may  be  my  estimate  of  the  policy  of  the  President  on 
this  wliole  subject,  yet,  as  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate,  and  as  a 
patriot,  I  mean  to  stand  by  him,  so  far  as  I  can  consistently  with  principle 
and  honor. 

He  has  recommended  to  us  to  give  to  Great  Britain  this  notice — and  he 
makes  that  recommendation  on  his  own  responsibility  :  yet,  at  the  same 
time,  he  gives  us  not  the  slightest  intimation  that  he  entertains  the  opinion 
that  the  notice  will  be  productive  of  any  thing  like  war,  or  that  it  will  be 
followed  by  any  measures  of  a  hostile  character  on  the  part  of  England. 
He  has  not  warned  us  by  the  slightest  word  that  war  will  be  likely  to  re- 
sult from  this  measure,  or  any  other  which  he  recommends  to  our  adoption ; 
and,  if  I  can  form  any  judgment  from  the  actions  of  this  Administration, 


there  can  be  no  war;  for  the  President, wliile  he  recommends  this  notice^ 
does  not  recommend  that  the  annual  appropriations  shall  be  increased  by 
a  single  dollar;  on  the  contrary,  the  annnal  estimates  are  to  be  reduced, 
and  have  been.  And,  further,  lie  rerommends  a  reduction  in  the  tariil  of 
duties.  There  is  no  proposal  in  his  message  for  any  thing  like  an  increase 
of  revenue  by  raising  the  duties  on  imports,  or  in  any  other  mode. 

Again  :  what  has  been  tlie  conduct  of  those  gentlemen  associated  with 
him  in  his  counsels,  whose  appropriate  and  official  duty  it  would  be  to  re- 
commend the  adoption  of  measines  for  the  national  defence  ?  The  Secre- 
taries of  War  and  ot'  the  Navy  present  no  propositions  having  in  view  to 
prepare  the  nation  for  war.  It  is  true  that,  after  the  resolution  introduced 
by  the  Senator  from  Michigan  (Mr.  Cass)  Iiad  been  adopted  by  this  body, 
the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  did  report  one  measure 
•which  went  to  increase  the  navy  by  the  addition  of  three  frigates,  five 
sloops  of  war,  and  one  or  two  brigs  and  schooners ;  yet,  at  the  same  lime, 
the  report  was  accompanied  by  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
declaring  that  this  had  not  been  recommended  as  a  war  measure  at  all,  but 
merely  as  providing  a  necessary  increase  in  our  marine  force,  the  better  to 
protect  the  commerce  of  the  country.  The  idea  I  got  from  his  letter  was,, 
that,  in  the  judgment  of  the  Secretary,  the  proposed  increase  of  the  navy 
was  required,  and  ought  to  be  made,  supposing  there  would  be  no  war.  It 
was  rendered  necessary  to  extend  an  adequate  protection  to  our  increased 
and  growing  commerce. 

To  what  other  sources,  then,  ought  we  to  look  ?  Who  are  they  who  we 
might  naturally  expect  ought  to  excite  the  Legislature  to  make  prepara- 
tions for  war,  if  war  were  apprehended  ?  Whose  duty  is  it  to  give  us  the 
alarm?  From  the  President,  from  the  Heads  of  Department,  from  the 
chairmen  of  standing  committees,  we  have  received  no  intimation  of  dan- 
ger, and  the  leading  friends  of  the  Administration  on  this  floor  give  us  here 
no  more  than  the  authorities  have  done. 

We  are  in  the  situation  so  justly  described  by  the  Senator  from  Michi- 
gan, (Mr.  Cass.)  We  are  totally  unprotected,  entirely  open  and  uncovered 
in  case  of  a  hostile  attack  from  without.  Our  fortifications  are  in  a  state 
of  dilapidation;  or,  if  otherwise,  we  are  without  any  in  the  very  positions 
where  they  would  be  most  needed  should  a  war  come  upon  us.  The 
'Senator  from  Florida  (Mr.  Westcott)  and  the  Senator  from  Michigan 
(Mr.  Cass)  have  described  our  situation  in  this  respect  most  correctly. 
And  I  here  render  my  thanks  to  the  Senator  from  Florida  especially  for  so 
fully  and  so  truly  representing  the  undefended  position  of  an  important 
portion  of  my  country.  There  is  now  no  adequate  protection  for  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  the  second  city,  in  population  and  wealth,  in  the  Union. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  shape  of  a  fortification  between  Wilmington  and 
the  Capes  of  Delaware.  There  is  in  the  Delaware  bay  what  has  been 
nominated  a  breakwater  harbor,  erected  at  vast  expense  by  the  Gov- 
ernment, for  the  protection  of  commerce,  which  harbor  is  entirely  with- 
out defence.  This  harbor  furnishes  a  safe  haven  for  vessels  taking 
refuge  in  it,  and  would  furnish  such  a  haven  for  any  portion  of  the 
British  navy  that  might  enter  that  bay  incase  of  war.  It  would  be  to 
them  a  most  valuable  acquisition  ;  for,  from  that  point,  they  could  strike 
.  New ,  York,  and  all  the  most  important  cities  on  our  coast,  as  well  as 
utterly  lay  waste  and  demolish  the  towns  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware 


*. 


this  notice^ 
:reased  by 
e  reduced, 
ho  tarifl  of 
an  increase 
3de. 

iated  witli 
d  be  to  re- 
The  Secre- 
in  view  to 
introduced 
this  body, 
le  measure 
gates,  five 
sanne  time, 
tlie  Navy, 
3  at  all,  but 
le  better  to 
letter  was,, 
f  the  navy 
o  war.  It 
:  increased 

ly  who  we 
:e  prepara- 
tive us  the 
,  from  tlie 
on  of  dan- 
ve  us  here 

om  Michi- 

uncovered 

in  a  state 

Y  positions 

us.    The 

Michigan 

correctly. 

ally  for  so 

important 

or  the  city 

he  Union. 

ngton  and 

has  been 

the  Gov- 

ely  with- 

ils  taking 

on  of  the 

mid  be  to 

luld  strike 

is  well  as 

Delaware 


itself.  Such  is  our  present  condition  in  reference  to  defence.  Yet,  under 
this  state  of  circumstances,,  and  with  the  fact  before  their  eyes  that  we  pos- 
sess a  commercial  maruie  almost  if  not  quite  equal  to  the  commercial 
marine  of  England  herself,  which  is  now  exposed  defenceless  to  the  depre- 
dations of  any  enemy  by  sea,  not  one  member  of  the  Administration  has 
apprized  us  that  there  exists  the  slightest  danger  of  a  war. 

I  look  to  these  things  as  much  more  significant  of  what  is  to. happen 
than  any  thing  I  find  in  the  published  correspondence  between  our  Secre- 
tary  and  the  British  Envoy,  Were  I,  indeed,  to  judge  from  the  tenor  of 
that  correspondence,  so  far  as  it  has  been  communicated  to  us  by  the  Ex- 
ecutive, I  should  say  that  there  did  exist  very  imminent  danger  of  war ; 
because  I  confess  that  1  do  not  perceive  on  what  ground,  as  there  stated, 
the  existing  controversy  will  be  peaceably  settled.  We  have  refused 
utterly  all  arbitration,  either  as  to  boundary  or  title.  We  have  refused 
a  reference  of  the  question  in  dispute,  not  merely  to  crowned  heads,  but  to 
a  mixed  commission,  or  a  board  composed  of  private  citizens.  Nearly 
every  proposition  that  looks  toward  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  dispute 
has  proceeded  from  England ;  and,  though  I  have  heard  it  asserted  that 
the  tone  of  the  British  press  before  the  departure  of  the  last  steamer  was 
pacific,  yet  it  can  hardly  have  escaped  the  notice  of  any  one,  that  the  reason 
given  for  this  was  the  hope,  and  perhaps  the  belief  in  the  minds  of  many, 
that  this  Government  would  be  willing  to  sacrifice  our  own  tariff  and  the 
protection  of  our  own  manufacturing  industry,  and  that  we  should  enter 
into  a  commercial  treaty  of  some  sort  with  England  with  reference  to  that 
subject.  I  will  here  take  occasion  to  say  that,  if  any  man  puts  his  hope  of 
peace  on  such  a  foundation  as  that,  he  will  find  himself  mistaken. 

I  say  that,  if  I  looked  only  at  the  diplomatic  correspondence  between  the 
ollicial  functionaries  of  the  two  Governments,  I  should  certainly  conclude 
that  there  was  imminent  danger  of  war ;  but  looking,  as  I  do,  at  the  con- 
duct of  the  Administration  and  its  friends,  I  am  bound  to  say,  as  I  do  now 
say,  here  in  my  place, that  I  cannot  apprehend  there  will  beany  war.  Can 
any  than  suppose  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  would  bring  this 
nation  to  the  very  verge  of  war  with  one  of  the  most  powerful  nations  of 
the  world,  without  giving  to  Congress  the  least  intimation  that  we  were  in 
irriminenl  danger  of  such  an  issue  ?  To  suppose  such  a  thing  is  impossible. 
I  differ  on  many  important  points  from  the  present  Administration  of  this 
Government,  and  r  did  not  contribute  my  aid  to  put  the  existing  Chief  Ma- 
gistrate into  power;  but  I  do  not  so  far  distrust  the  President's  patriotism 
and  integrity  <.s  to  suppose  that  he  would  harbor  the  idea  of  pujtting  the 
country  into  the  very  attitude  of  war,  while  refusing  to  the  Legislature  the 
slightest  intimation  of  its  approach,  and  while  deliberately  withholding 
from  the  co-ordinate  branches  of  the  Goyernraent  all  propositions  or  sug- 
gestions for  the  national  defence. 

r  do  not  hold  that  the  giving  of  the  notice  recominended  will  teiid  to 
war.  The  President,  under  all  the  circumstances  of  the  CEUse,  asks  from 
us  the  po wef  to  give  such  notice.  He  stand'"  '.  ^n  official  position  where 
he  has  the  fullest. opportunity  to  know  all  the  benefits,  as  \vel.l  as  all. the 
probable  evils,  likely  to  flow  from  such  a  measure.  He,  has  all  the  negoi- 
tia'tipn  under  his  eye,  and  has  a  knorledge  of  facts  which  I.'have  not.  He 
is,.or.may  be,  in  daily  communication  with  the  British  Minister^  I  am  not. 
The  people  have  giveti  these  great  responsibilities  to  hinij  andl.am  not  the 


mail  to  tako  lliem  from  Iiini.  Ho  asks  power  to  give  tliis  notice, and  I,  for 
one,  am  willing  to  intrust  him  with  that  power.  I  would  say  to  the  Pres- 
ident, "  You  have  the  means  of  knowing  all  the  hearings  and  probable 
consequences  of  tlie  measure  yon  recommend  ;  you  liave  the  power  in 
your  hands,  and  at  your  peril  exerciae  that  power,  under  the  responsibilities 
you  bear."  I  would  say  this  ti)  the  President,  but  I  would  pass  no  reso- 
lution conipeMng  him  to  give  ihc  notice.  I  will  vote  for  a  resolution  giv- 
ing him  the  discretion  to  ijive  it,  or  not  to  give  it,  as  he  thinks  best,  but  I 
will  go  no  further. 

I  hold  thut  the  President  of  the  United  States  has  it  in  his  power,  (I  do  not 
say  he  has  the  right,)  if  to  him  it  seems  best,  to  bring  on  ti  war  with  Eng- 
land; for,  thouE;h  the  ("onstiiution  has  reserved  to  Congress  ulone  the  power 
officially  to  declare  war,  ynt,  if  il">  President  does  so  control  our  diplomatic 
correspondence  with  Great  Britan.  as  to  bilig  on  a  war,  it  does  not  de- 
pend upon  any  action  oi  ours  to  say  that  war  shall  not  come.  Congress, 
certainly,  has  done  nothing  to  bring  on  that  event;  if  there  is  any  danger 
of  it,  it  has  not  been  incurred  from  the  action  of  Congress.  The  whole 
action,  thus  far,  litis  been  confined  to  the  Executive  ;  but  he  may  go  ■^tili 
further.  lie  may,  (as  others  before  him  in  like  circumstances  have  done,) 
without  consulting  Congress,  permit  actual  hostilities  to  take  place.  We 
cannot  shut  our  eyes  to  the  fact,  that  it  is  in  the  power  of  the  President  to 
prpvolcc  a  war,  if  he  is  so  disposed.  If  he  does,  I  shall  deeply  deplore  it; 
but  the  fiuilt  will  not  rest  on  my  head,  or  on  the  heads  of  those  who  act 
politically  with  inc.  The  majority  of  this  nation  have  intrusted  him  with 
power,  and  they  are  responsible. 

My  own  course  on  this  lloor,  on  this  question,  shall  he  to  lead  our  coun- 
cils, so  far  as  is  in  my  power,  to  whatever  will  contribute  to  an  honorable 
peace  between  the  two  nations.  1  avow  myself  a  friend  to  peace — to  an 
honorable  peace.  I  trust  and  hope — nay,  I  believe — that  the  President  of 
the  United  States  intends  there  shall  be  no  war,  but  desires  an  honorable 
peace.  I  will  not  so  far  reflect  upon  him  as  to  suppose  he  desires  a  war 
with  Great  Britain. 

I  shall  not  at  this  lime  go  into  any  discufeion  of  our  title  to  the  territory 
of  Oregon.  I  shall  withhold  that  for  another  place.  If  it  shall  please  the 
Senate  to  go  into  Executive  session,  I  shall  be  free  to  declare  my  sentiments 
there  ;  but  I  hold  it  highly  improper  to  carry  on  such  a  discussion  here,  and 
consider  it  as  going  to  prejudge  the  action  of  the  Senate,  when  a  treaty  shall 
come  before  us,  provided  the  President  shall  negotiate  one.  I  will  not  now 
say  that  uur  boundary  ought  to  he  the  parallel  of  19°,  or  llie  parallel  of 
54"  40';  or  any  other  parallel.  Let  him  decide  that  poinr,  and  make  his 
treaty  in  such  a  manner  as  shall  best  please  himself  and  his  associates  in 
power,  and  then  I  will  deliver  my  sentiments  upon  such  treaty  when  it 
shall  be  presented.  On  a  delicate  subject  of  this  character  I  do  not  hold  it 
to  be  my  duty  at  present  to  speak.  I  trust  that  whatever  discussion  may 
take  place  here  on  the  general  subject,  Senators,  knowing  the  psssibility, 
and  even  the  probability,  that  a  treaty  in  some  shape  may  come  before 
them,  will  forbear  to  express  any  definite  opinion  as  to  our  title  to  any  part 
or  the  whole  of  Orpgon. 

But  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Ohio  over  the  \v,\y  'Mr.  Allen)  told 
the  Senate  that  he  considered  us  as  standing  commili  J  ior  the  "  whole  of 
Oregon."    How  so  ?    By  a  certain  resolution  passed  at  C.\k:  Baltimore  Con- 


9 


:c,and  I,  for 
to  the  Pres- 
d  probable 
e  power  iu 
Jonsibilities 
iss  no  reso- 
Dliition  giv- 
best,  but  I 

ur,  (I  do  not 
•  with  Eng- 
<i  the  power 
•diplomatic 
)es  not  de- 
Coiigress, 
any  danger 
The  whole 
lay  go  'till 
lave  done,) 
^lace.  We 
^resident  to 
deplore  it; 
se  who  act 
d  him  with 

J  our  couu- 
honorable 
ice — to  an 
resident  of 
honorable 
ires  a  war 

le  territory 

please  the 

sentiments 

here,  and 

reaty  shall 

ill  not  now 

Parallel  of 

make  his 

ociates  in 

when  it 

not  hold  it 

jsion  may 

lessibility, 

lie  before 

I  any  part 

.len)  told 
whole  of 
lore  Con- 


vention. Now,  1  would  like  to  know  how  the  Senator  or  any  body  else 
stands  co.nmitled  by  a  certain  resolution  made  at  tlie  time  when  a  Con- 
vention had  been  called  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  a  candidate  for  the 
place  of  Chief  Magistrate  of  tiio  United  Stales?  The  resolution  referred 
to  had  for  its  object  the  enlistment  of  partisans  in  behalf  of  the  party  which 
oflercd  it.  There  was  no  discussion  in  that  body  as  lo  the  ground  or  evi- 
dences of  titlo.  The  resolution  was  passed  in  liigh  party  times,  and  with- 
out a  momcni's  reilection  ;  it  cDmniitted  me  to  nothing;  and,  as  I- tliink, 
committed  nobody  else.  Those  who  choose  lo  consider  themselves  as  com- 
mitted by  such  a  resolution,  and  thereby  p'^-^'iided  from  any  discussion  in 
this  Chamber  of  the  question  of  title,  must  act  n  their  own  responsibility. 
I  liold  that  there  is  greater  danger  of  involving  the  country  in  war  by 
withholding  the  notice  than  by  giving  it  in  ilie  form  I  advocate,  and  which 
has  been  proposed  by  my  honorable  i'ricnd  frota  Kentucky.  The  measure, 
as  it  stands,  in  that  form,  is  pacific;  and  i(  the  notice  shall  Le  sa  given,  it  can 
oiusent  no  just  cause  of  offence  to  England.  Many  of  the  leading  presses 
in  England  have  so  declared.  A  Hritish  paper  I  now  hold  in  my  hand, 
entitled  the  Manchester  Guardian,  advances  ilie  doctrine  that  a  notice  to 
terminate  the  convention  of  joint  occupancy  will  be  the  very  best  means 
of  preserving  peace.  I  will  venture  to  read  to  the  .Senate  an  extract  from 
that  paper,  because  it  contains  sentiments  in  which  I  fully  concur.  The 
editor  says  : 

"  With  re.sp<!ct  to  tho  notice  for  Icrininiitiiii;  llie  joint  occupiition  of  OrcRoiJ?  wc  arc  not  surp 
that  President  Polk  tntiy  not  receive  it  from  the  Erj^lisk  (uiKcrnmeiil  before  he  can  pomih/y  be 
in  a  cunditiun  to  f/^ivc  it  himself.  Uut,  whether  given  by  the  one  side  or  tiic  otlier,  we  Jo  not 
conceive  lliiit  it  will  add  matcriHily,  if  at  all,  to  the  ch.iiire  of  a  hoBtile  collision.  It  has  been  o!i- 
vioun  cnounh  for  sonic  time  past,  that,  unless  the  ({ucstion  can  lit;  amieahly  settled  in  a  very  short 
I)erio<l,  say  in  twelve  months  at  the  latest,  hardly  any-thinK  en':  prevent  war;  and  therefore,  a 
decisive  step,  like  that  of  givuig  notioe  for  putting  an  end  to  the  sulisisting  agreement,  is  rather 
favorable  than  othe.  vvisi..  When  both  Governments  know  that  the  alternative  is  an  arranaiement 
in  a  year  or  war,  they  will  see  that  there  is  no  time  to  bo  lost  in  useless  discussions,  and  will 
probably  hit  upon  some  compromise  to  which  Iwth  can  accede.  We  are  aware  that  this  opinion 
is  rather  at  variance  with  the  views  of  a  large  portion  of  the  [tress,  both  in  England  and  the  United 
States,  by  whom  the  proposal  to  give  notice  to  terminate  tho  joint  occupation  is  regarded  as  decid- 
edly unfavorabl(!  to  the  preservation  of  peace ;  l)ut  wc  sec  nothing  in  their  arguments  to  change 
our  own  opinions  on  the  subjec).." 

As  I  observed,  that  is  my  opinion.  I  hold  that  we  shall  incur  much 
greater  danger  of  war  by  continuing  the  joint  occupation  of  Oregon,  with- 
out giving  this  notice,  than  can  possibly  arise  from  giving  the  notice. 

I  presume  I  may  consider  it  as  the  settled  determination  of  Congress  to 
pass  some  bill  for  the  occupation  of  Oregon:  I  do  not  mean  its  exclusive 
occupation,  for  I  have  no  idea  that  Congress  intends  any  such  thing  as 
that.  Should  we  undertake  to  shut  out  England  at  once  from  all  parts  of 
the  territory,  i-t  would  be  equivalent  practically  to  a  declaration  of  war 
against  her,  and  I  therefore  trust  and  confidently  hope  that  no  such  step 
will  be  taken.  But  I  presume  that  some  bill  will  be  introduced,  similar 
to  the  law  which  has  been  enacted  by  Parliament,  extending  the  judicial 
jurisdiction  of  Iowa  over  our  citizens  in  Oregon,  as  Great  Britain  has  ex- 
tended that  of  Canada  over  iier  subjects  in  that  territory ;  so  that  our  citi- 
zens shall  be  as  fully  protected  by  American  tribunals  and  American 
officers  as  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  are  by  her  officers  and  her  courts. 
It  seems  to  me  that  the  honor  of  our  country,  as  well  as  the  safety  of  such 
of  our  citizens  as  have  gone  and  are  going  to  Oregon,  demands  thus  much 
at  our  hands. 


•  Looking  at  things  as  they  will  probably  be  at  the  end  of  the  present 
session  of  Congress,  I  ask,  which  of  the  two  courses  is  most  Hkely  to  result 
in  war — the  giving  of  this  notice  as  it  has  beeli  modified  by  the  honorable 
Senator  from  Kentucky,  or  the  refusal  of  the  notice  in  any  shape  ?  I  tak« 
it  for  granted  we  are  to  establish  our  courts  in  Oregon  as  England  has  es- 
tablished hers.  Her  sherifl's,  her  marshals,  her  constables,  enforce  the  jus- 
tice  administered  by  her  conns.  We  have  the  same  riglit  to  employ  our 
sheriff's,  our  marshals,  and  our  constables,  to  enforce  the  decisions  of  our 
own  courts;  and  iiow  can  it  escape  any  tliinking  and  intelligent  raitld,that 
in  such  a  state  of  things  the  danger  of  mutual  collisions  must  increase  every 
day  ?  I  do  not,  indeed,  say  that  collision  will  be  unavoidable;  but  I  feel 
very  confident,  knowing  as  I  do  the  character  of  those  who  will  go  into 
that  territory,  and  have  gone  there,  the  conflicting  views  entertained  by 
them  and  the  British  subjects  in  Oregon  on  almost  all  questions,  especially 
those  respecting  civil  liberty  and  the  advantages  of  republican  government, 
that  the  danger  of  collision  between  them  will  be  imminent,  and  must  be 
daily  increasing.  There  will  be  in  Oregon,  as  was  well  stated  by  the 
honorable  Senator  from  Michigan,  (Mr.  Cass,)  a  double-headed  Govern- 
ment;  and  there  will  be  greater  danger  to  the  people  of  both  nations  there 
in  such  a  state  of  things  than  if  there  was  no  Government  at  all, and  a  state 
of  entire  anarchy  prevailed.  Judge  Lynch  being  the  sole  arbiter  of  all 
diflerences.  Wo  can  all  readily  understand  this.  Suppose  an  American 
citizen  is  su^  for  debt,  or  prosecuted  for  assault  and  battery,  for  homi- 
cide, or  any  other  crime;  do  you  suppose  he  will  submit  himself  to  the 
jurisdiction  and  the  sentence  of  a  British  judge? — that  he  will  not  appeal 
to  his  own  countrymen  to  rescue  him  from  the  hands  of  an  English  consta- 
ble ?  Reverse  the  case :  Suppose  the  American  to  be  the  party  prosecut- 
ing, and  the  culprit  to  be  an  Englishman — think  you  he  will  not  refuse  the 
authority  of  an  American  judge,  and  appeal  to  his  fellow-subjects  to  deliver 
him  Irom  the  grasp  of  a  Yankee  constable  ?  If  this  joint  occupation  con- 
tinues, there  will  soon  happen  collisions  and  encounters  between  armed 
posses  of  Englishmen  and  Americans  ;  blood  will  be  shed;  and  what  will 
happen  then  ?  Our  people  will  come  to  us  witK  their  story,  and  the  Eng- 
lish subjects  will  go  to  their  Government  with  theirs,  and  neither  represent- 
ation will  probably  lose  any  thing  by  distance.  We  shall  doubtless  hear  of 
much  that  the  Englishman  never  was  guilty  of,  and  the  English  Government 
will  hear  as  unjust  charges  agaiiist  our  people.  These  representations  will 
inflame  the  passions  of  nien.  Certain  individuals  in  this  country,  who 
seek  to  fan  those  passions  to  a  blaze,  will  avail  themselves  of  so  favorable 
an  opportunity.  The  appetite  for  war,  always  so  easily  excited,  will  in- 
crease on  both  sides,  until  at  last,  contrary  to  the  wishes  and  eiforts  of  the 
best  and  wisest  men  of  both  countries,  we  shall  be  precipitated  into  a  war. 
There  is  one  great  evil  in  this  matter  well  worthy  of  the  consideration 
of  the  Senate,  Already  the  apprehension  Of  such  a  struggle  has  paralyzed 
comiiierce,  and  capital  is  fast  retreating  into  chests,  and  drawers,  and  old 
stockings.  The  business  community  are  every  where  alarmed;  and  every 
moment  of  the  day  that  alarm  increases,  and  commerce  is  more  and  n. -re 
affected.  The  foreign  commerce  of  the  United  Slates  at  this  day  consists  of 
2,417,000  tons,  while  the  foreign  commerce  of  England. is  8,420,759  tons; 
so  that  we  are  nearly  equal  to  her;  alid  I  doubt, upon  the  whole,  whether 
England  has  greater  conmiercial  interests  to  protect  than  ourselves.    We 


ii 


the  present 
ely  lo  result 
e  honorable 
pe  ?  I  take 
land  has  es- 
►rce  the  jus- 
employ  our 
lions  of  our 
t  mind,  that 
urease  every 
;;  but  I  feel 
vill  go  into 
ertained  by 
s,  especially 
jovernment, 
nd  must  be 
ited  by  the 
led  Govern- 
lations  there 
,and  a  state 
biter  of  all 
n  American 
,  for  homi- 
nself  to  the 

not  appeal 
jlish  consta- 
y  prosecut- 
3t  refuse  the 
ts  to  deliver 
ipation  con- 
^een  armed 
d  what  will 
id  the  Eng- 
r  represent- 
tless  hear  of 
Jovernment 
jtations  will 
'Untry,  who 
10  favorable 
ed,  will  in- 
Iforts  of  the 

into  a  war. 
msideration 
s  paralyzed 
ers,  and  old 

arid  every 
e  and  n.^re 
f  co|tisi&ts  of 
0,759  tons; 
le,  whether 
elves.    We 


have  seven  hundred  whale  ships,  a  great  India  commerce,  and  a  large  and 
growing  trade  Avith  China  ;  but  do  you  suppose  that  any  rneichant,  in  the 
present  disturbed  state  of  our  foreign  relations,  with  this  dispute  unsettled, 
will  siejid  out  his  whale  ships  again  after  they  have  got  safely  into  port  ? 
Will  our  Indiamen  be  despatched  again  to  the  opposite  hemisphere  on 
voyages  which  must  detain  them  for  many  months  in  distant  seas?  Far 
from  it.  The  rate  of  insurance  now  is  almost  equal  to  a  war  premium; 
and  the  longer  this  controversy  remains  open,  the  more  will  our  commerce 
be  crippled.  My  wish  therefore  is,  that  it  should  be  brought  to  a  speedy 
arid  an  honorable  settlement.  If  we  give  the  notice  now  proposed,  we 
shall  present  thel  question  to  Great  Britain  in  such  a  view  as  will,  I  believe 
and  hope,  induce  her  to  come  to  a  settlement,  and  that  speedily. 

But  if  this  resolution  of  notice  shall  fail,  the  President,  (I- will  not  say 
feeling  mortification,  but)  feeling  that  his  proposed  measures  have  not 
been  accepted,  and  that,  on  the  contrary,  his  policy  has  been  slighted  and 
overlooked,  may  perhaps  resolve,  for  reasons  best  known  to  hmiself,  to 
throw  the  whole  responsibility  on  Congress,  and  suffer  things  to  remain 
as  they  are  until  another  Congress  shall  be  elected,  which  will  give  the 
notice  that  we  refuse. 

I  am  not,  as  you  well  know,  in  the  secrets  of  the  President ;  I  speak 
nothing  ex  cathedra  ;  I  reasori  only  from  facts  before  me  ;  and  I  fear  that 
the  effect  of  our  refusal  may  be  to  induce  the  President  to  stop  all  negotia- 
tions, and  make  his  appeal  directly  to  the  country  on  this  question  of  giving 
notice.  That  appeal  will  practically  be  directed  to  that  most  dangerous  of 
all  social  elements — party  feeling.  Every  latent  prejudice  against  England 
will  then  be  excited  and  roused  to  its  utmost  pitch;  and  while  the  commerce 
of  the  country  is  paralyzed,  and  men  are  exasperated  by  the  destruction 
of  theii:  business,  I  fear  that,  in  the  end,  representatives  will  be  sent  here  who 
Avill  go  still  further  than  I  am  disposed  to  go.  It  is  due,  however,  to 
myself  to  say,  in  reply  to  the  gentleman  from  Ohio,  (Mr.  Allen,)  that  I 
have  not  the  remotest  idea  that,  under  any  circumstances,  men  will  ever  , 
be  sent  to  this  Chamber  who  will  be  ready  to  go  beyond  54°  40' ! !  I 
earnestly  hope  that  no  men  may  be  sent  here,  who  will  be  in  favor  of 
measures  that  tend  to  a  war  with  Grea'  '\itain,  much  less  with  Russia. 

I  have  said  thus  much  with  a  view  to  explain  some  of  the  reasons  which 
wil'  induce  me  to  vote  in  favor  of  the  amendment  proposed  by  my  friend 
fronj  Kentucky,  (Mr.  Crittenden,)  and  against  that  reported  to  the  Senate 
by  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations.  I  should  not  have  troubled  the 
Senate  at  this  time  at  all,  but  for  the  extraordinary  course  of  remark  which 
ha.s  been  indulged  in  by  the  Senator  from  Ohio,  (Mr.  Allen.)  He  is  the 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  in  this  body.  He  is  the 
leading  man  in  the  first  committee  of  the  first  deliberative  assembly  in  the 
world.  As  such,  whatever  falls  from  him  will  go  from  one  extremity  of 
this  land  .to  the  other,  and  will  every  where  be  listened  lo  with  profound 
interest.  But  it  will  not  stop  .there;  by  the  first  steamer  which  leaves  our 
shores  for  England,  the  remarks  of  the  gentleman,  as  given  through  the 
reporters  to  the  world,  will  be  read  with  the  deepest  attention,  and  will 
excite  general  alarm.  By  every  mart  it  will  be  presumed,  from  the  gen- 
tleman's official  position,  tha»,  in  the  remarks  they  read,  he  speaks  the  sen- 
timents of  th'is  .Senate,  or,  at  least,  of  a  great  portion  of  its  members.  He 
has  made  in  this  Chamber  a  speech,  the  delivery  of  which  occupied  two 


12 

•••1  )..,., 

■days,  and  the  great  body  of  wliich  consisted  of  the  most  violent  denuncia- 
tions of  England,  accompanied  by  a  declaration  that  she  dared  not  go  to 
war;  that  she  had  become  so  weak  and  imbecile  that  she  dare  not  vindi- 
cate her  own  rights.  He  has  told  us  that  the  British  Government  will 
tumble  to  pieces  if  she  sliall  dare  to  make  war  with  this  country.  The  gen- 
tleman at  the  same  time  has  extolled  in  the  highest  terms  the  bravery  of  his 
own  conntrynKMi,  and  spoken  proudly  of  their  military  prowess.  In  this 
sentiment  I  agree  wiih  him,  and  have  nothing  to  object  against  the  assertion 
of  it.  IJlit  that  an  honorable  Senator,  holding  so  distinguished  a  position, 
should  rise  before  this  body,  and  elaborately  endeavor,  by  his  utmost  power, 
to  excite  the  feelings  of  his  own  country  against  England,  and,  worse  than 
that,  to  excite  the  feelings  of  every  Englishman  against  this. country,  is,  iu 
my  judgment,  deeply  to  be  regrtl.'ed.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  favorite 
object  of  that  honorable  Senator  to  seize  every  opportunity  of  discussing 
this  subject  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  preparing  the  hearts  of  the  people 
for  war.  He  has  openly  acknowledged  this.  Now,  had  he  confined  his 
efforts  even  to  preparing  the  hearts  of  l)is  own  countrymen  for  a  war  with 
England,  it  would  not  have  been  so  bad  by  half  as  to  prepare  the  hearts 
of  the  English  people  for  a  war  against  us.  The  gentleman  has  resorted 
to  every  consideration  he  could  enforce,  seemingly  with  the  express  design 
of  exciting  and  rousing  the  pride  of  every  English  heart  against  us.  There 
is  no  Englishman  who  shall  read  that  speech  who  will  not  ipel  indignant  to 
find  that  in  the  Chamber  of  the  American  Senate  his  nation  has  been  openly 
denounced,  and  that  it  has  been  declared  on  this  floor  that  she  dare  not  go  to 
war  Sir,  what  would  be  the  feeling  of  every  American  bosom  on  reading  a 
speech  like  that  reported  in  the  British  .apers,  as  delivered  by  a  leading 
member  on  the  tloor  of  Parliament  ?  I  im  his  position  at  the  head  of  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, that  geii'  man  may  very  nati  .ally  be  sup- 
posed to  be  the  connecting  link  between  ti  President  and  the  Senate,  and 
therefore  presumed  to  speak  the  sentiments  and  feelings  of  the  President 
himself.  We  may  judge  Avhat  will  be  the  feeling  of  Englishmen  on  reaii- 
ing  his  language  from  what  we  should  experience  within  ourselves  in  the 
like  case.  Should  we  not  riie  with  great  indignation  from  reading  a  speech 
iu  which  every  topic  of  reproach  andconlempt  was  dwelt  upon,  and  applied 
to  this  coimtry  and  its  Government,  and  in  which  it  was  openly  asserted 
that  we  dare  not  go  to  war  with  England? 

In  reply  to  such  language,  I  will  say  (and  I  hope  that  these  poor  re- 
marks of  mine  niajj  accompany  his  to  England  and  elsewhere)  that  I  do 
not  believe  that  this  Senate,  or  any  considerable  portion  of  it,  approve  sen- 


no  desire, 
an  opporti 
veil  assut 
disown  ah 
The  Senat 
Well,  sir ; 
sentiment 
British  h( 
every  Iris 
ernment. 
will  be  int 

I  do  not 
seeking  to 
strength  c 
my  duty, 
nation  ths 
point  of  vi 
iu  danger 
are  wha 
depreciatii 
what  her  ( 
to  condem 
That  bono 
to  inform  i 
ought  to  a 
army  and 
mtional  in 
unanimou! 
he  facts, 
trength  o 
been  lost 
rom  almo 

I  eniirel 
snd  Klori( 
:iounced  a 
From  the  I 
guarded  C( 
path  of  the 

The  hon 
vith  us,  b< 
herself;  a; 


timents  like  those  he  uttered  in  its  presence.     I  do  not  believe  that,  if  that  \e  admits 


speech  was  approved  by  any  gentlemen  in  this  Senate,  they  constitute,  at 
the  utmost,  a  third  part  of  our  number.  I  cannot  suppose  that  any  one 
who  heard  the  gentleman  approved  of  such  an  attempt  to  rouse  the  feel- 
ings of  England  against  this  country,  or  provoke  her  to  a  war.  Nor  do  I 
believe  the  Senator  spoke  the  sentiments  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  or  of  either  branch  of  Congress,  or  of  any  considerable  portion  of 
the  members  of  either,  nor  those  ol'the  American  people.  No,  sir;  that  is 
not  the  feeling  and  these  are  not  the  sentiments  of  the  American  people. Iiow  than 
They  respect  the  English  as  a  great  and  a  brave  nation.  True,  they  never  javal  pow 
will  submit  to  be  trampled  on,  and  they  will  fight  sooner  than  submit  to 
dishonoi.     We  have  told  England  so  a  thousand  times.     But  they  have 


t  was  in  ] 
itor,  and  I 
hinking  tl 
1802,  I  thi 
iv'as  befort 
[Mr.  Ai 
[lower  of  ( 


nt  denuncia- 
ed  not  go  to 
re  not  viiidi- 
3rninent  will 
^     The  gen- 
ravery  of  his 
ess.     In  this 
the  assertion 
td  a  position, 
tmost  power, 
I,  worse  than 
ountry,  is,  iu 
I  the  favorite 
of  discussing 
of  the  people 
confined  his 
r  a  war  with 
ire  the  hearts 
has  resorted 
xpross  design 
>i  lis.     There 
I  indignant  to 
s  been  openly 
3are  not  go  to 
ion  reading  a 
by  a  leading 
e  head  of  the 
I  .ally  be  sup- 
e  Senate,  and 
the  President 
men  on  reaii- 
rselves  in  the 
ding  a  speech 
,and  applied 
only  asserted 


re- 
do 


lese  poor 
re)  thai  I 
approve  sen- 
3  tliat,  if  that 
constitute,  at 
that  any  one 
use  the  feel- 
ir.     Nor  do  I 
jf  the  United 
)le  portion  of 
0,  sir;  that  is 
rican  people 
le,  they  never 
an  submit  to 
nt  they  have 


13 

no  desire,  by  inrult  and  abuse,  to  inflame  England  into  a  war.  Had  they 
an  opportunity  of  expressing  to  that  gentleman  their  real  sentiments,  I  am 
'.veil  assured  that  nine-tenths  of  their  luunber  would  tell  him  they  utterly 
disown  aiid  disapprove  of  all  such  attempts  to  excite  the  two  nations  to  war. 
The  Senator  tells  us,  and  tells  England,  that  she  dare  not  go  to  war  with  us. 
Well,  sir;  and  the  moment  it  shall  be  believed  in  England  that  that  is  the 
sentiment  of  the  American  Congress,  what  will  be  the  result?  Every 
British  heart  will  throb  with  one  united  feeling.  Every  Englishman, 
every  Irishman,  every  Scotchman,  will  rally  to  the  assistance  of  iiis  Gov- 
ernment. Only  induce  them  to  believti  that  we  think  that  orthem,and  Avar 
will  be  inevitable. 

I  do  not  belong  to  that  class  of  men  whom  the  Senator  has  described  as 
seeking  to  depreciate  their  own  country,  and  to  exalt  the  character  and 
trength  of  England,  or  of  any  other  foreign  Power;  but  I  liold  it  to  be 
my  duty,  as  a  sentinel  placed  on  this  post,  to  tell  this  Senate  and  this 
nation  that  we  are  not  in  a  condition,  either  in  a  military  or  a  naval 
point  of  view,  to  meet  the  danger  of  a  war  if  it  should  come.     If  we  were 
in  danger  of  a  Avar  with  France,  I  should  hold  it  equally  my  duty  to  de- 
clare what  the  real  posture  of  the  country  actually  was.    This,  is  not 
depreciating  the  power  of  my  country ;  it  is  but  Avarning  my  cou'itry  of 
what  her  duty  is.     Was  it  a  very  friendly  part  in  the  Senator  froai  Ohio 
to  condemn  the  whole  speech  of  the  Senator  from  Michigan, (Mr. Cass?) 
That  honorable  Senator  thought  that  it  belonged  to  iiim  as  his  public  duty 
to  inform  the  Senate  and  the  country,  that  we  are  in  danger  of  Avar,  and 
ought  to  arm  the  nation  to  meet  it;  that,  in  the  present  condition  of  our 
army  and  navy,  they  were  an  insufficient  defence  for  the  protection  of  our 
lational  interests ;  and  that  duty  he  discharged  with  all. his  energy.    We 
unanimously  voted  that  the  appropriate  committees  should  inquire  into 
;he  facts.     No  Avise  nation  Avill  go  into  a  contest  either  overrating  its  own 
ngth  or  underrating  the  strength  of  its  enemy.     More  battles  have 
been  lost  and  more  wars  have  proved  disastrous  from  this  caiise  than 
from  almost  any  other. 

I  entirely  concur  with  the  views  Avhich  the  Senators  from  Michigan 
and  Florida  have  expressed  on  this  subject.  They  are  not  to  be  de- 
nounced as  alarmists  for  honestly  describing  our  defenceless  condition. 
From  the  high  places  they  occupy,  they  have  exposed  the  naked  and  un- 
guarded condition  of  their  coimtry,  and,  so  doing,  they  were  strictly  in  the 
path  of  their  duty,  and  are  entitled  to  its  thanks. 

The  honorable  Senator  frotrj  Ohio  tells  us  that  England  dare  not  go  to  war 
vith  us,  because  she  is  exceedingly  weak — so  Aveak  that  she  cannot  defend 
herself;  and  this  because  her  navy  has  lately  lost  that  supremacy  Avhioh 
le  admits  that  it  formerly  enjoyed.  He  says  it  is  not  now  as  powerful  as 
was  in  1802  and  1803.  In  this  sentiment  I  entirely  differ  from  the  Sen- 
itor,  and  I  Avnil  make  an  effort  to  show  that  he  is  mistaken.  So  far  from 
[linking  that  the  naval  power  of  Great  Britain  is  less  now  than  it  was  in 
1802, 1  think,  on  the  contrary,  that  at  this  hour  it  is  greater  than  it  ever 
vas  before. 

[Mr.  Allen  here  rose  to  explain.  What  he  had  said  was,  that  the  naval 
power  of  Great  Britain  Avas.less,  relatively  to  the  naval  power  of  the  world*, 
Qow  than  in  1802 — that  it  bore  then  a  greater  proportion  to  the  united 
laval  power  of  all  other  nations  than  it  did  now.] 


14 


Mr.  Clayton  resumed.  This  position  is  still  more  objectionable  thati 
the  other,  as  I  shall  endeavor  to  shovy. 

I  have  in  my  hand  some  statistics,  which  have  been  carefully  collected 
from  the  best  authorities.  Here  Mr...  C.  entered  into  the  details  of  the 
following  statement : 


Crmmcrcial 

Vessels  of 

Number 

Number 

■ 

Countries. 

tonnage. 

war  of  all 
classes. 

of  guns. 
16,242 

of  men. ' 

Remarks. 

•      • 

England  - 

2,420,759 

671 

40,000 

98  steamers. 

Frajice     -         - 

625,769 

348 

8,816 

29,095 

61  steamers. 

United  States   - 

2,417,002 

76 

2,358 

8,724 

5  steamers. 

Russia     - 

239,000 

226 

10,394 

25,000 

8  steamers,  many  cpntracteJ  for. 

Denmark 

95,375 

73 

754, 

at  least. 

67  gunboats. 

■Swedifn   - 

118,125 

397 

1,407 

at  least. 

2  steamers  and  377  gunboats. 

Holland  • 

214,284 

132. 

1,544 

- 

132  gunboats.            ■                •       . 

Tgrkcy    - 

- 

31 

1,902 

3  stcaiQers, 

Egypt     - 

^ 

20 

1,460 

England  has 

610 

guns 

to  each  100,000  tons  of 

commerce. 

France 

1,030 

do 

do     100,000 

do. 

United  States 

lUO 

do 

do     100,000 

do. 

Russia 

3,467 

do 

d.>     100,000 

do.     '         '  ,' 

Denmark 

877 

do 

do     100,000 

do.     ■• • 

Sweden 

703 

do 

do     100,000 

do. 

Holland 

777 

do 

.  do     100,000 

do. 

Having  accompanied  the  items  of  the  above  table  with  appropriate  re- 
marks in  explanation,  Mr.  C.  proceeded  to  say: 

And  now  what  are  the  results  collected  from  these  authentic  materials  ? 
I  wish  the  Senate  and  the  country  to  be  well  acquainted  with  them,  in 
order  that  that  country  may  understand  the  true  state  of  things;  that 
it  may  be  aware  of  its  own  weakness,  and  thus  be  induced  to  awake 
to  its  duty  of  self-defence.  For  tlie  protection  of  every  hundred  thou- 
sand tons  of  our  commercial  wealth  we  have  100  guns ;  but  England  has 
■640;  France  has  1,030;  Russia  has  3,407;  Denmark  has  877;  Sweden 
703,  and  Holland  777.  In  other  words,  England  has  seven  times  as  many 
guns  as  we  to  defend  the  same  amount  of  commerce ;  France  has  ten  times 
as  many ;  Russia  has  thirty-five,  times  ais  many ;  Denmark  eight  times, 
Sweden  «ej;ert  times,  and  Holland  eight  times  as  many.  Englaqd  hf  o.  /e 
thus  see,  mounted  nearly  as  many  giins  for  her  defence  as  all  the  rest  of 
the  civilized  world,  ourselves  included  ;  and  she  is  about  seven  times  as 
well  pi'otected  in  this  respect  as  we  are.  Indeed,  it  would  seem  that  every 
other  civilized  nation  yields  her  own  great  interests  not  less  than  seven 
times  as  much  protection  as  we  give  to  ours.  France,  foir  example^  has  but 
about  one-fourth  of  our  commerce,  while  we  have  about  one-fourth  of  her 
navy.  Our  commerciar  marine,  compared  with  that  of  Russia,  is  as  ten  to 
.one,  while  her  naval  power,  compared  with  ours,  is  about  as  five  to  one. 

If  the  Senator  is  desirous  of  ascettainitig  the  comparative  strength,  of 
England,  as  compared  with  that  of  the  rest  of  the  world,  he  has  here  the 
means  of  doing  it.  He  will  find,  on  that  examination,  that  l^ngland  is 
guarded  at  every  point;  that  her  military  marine  is  greater  at  this  time 


than  it  eve 
ourselves  { 
success,  th 
And  no^ 
strength,  o 
I  have  so 
the  moM  rt 


If  we  have 
we  ought  I 
ready  to  m 
tion  wheth 
own  boson 
The  peo 
dence  in  th 
this  questi( 
arises  from 
country, 
defence  of 
the  Senatoi 
bravery,  o 
do  not  undi 
lieve  that  i 
President's 
whether  w 
language  a 
council  rou 
as  to  his  rij 
representee 


Sir,  whi 
any  people 
well  know 
indisputabl 
in  the  worl 
upon  to  de< 
take  heed! 

If  we  art 
ever  was  fi 
shall  all  str 


lable  than 

f  collected 
lils  of  the 


l& 


;■•♦.,•, 


mUacteJ  for. 
gunboats. 


ropriate  re- 


materials  ? 
iih  them,  in 
lings ;   that 

to  awake 
dred  thou- 
Ingland  has 
7;  Sweden 
;es  as  many 
as  ten  times 
ight  times, 
iqd  hf  o,  /e 
the  rest  of 
^en  times  as 
a  that  every 

than  seven 
iple^  has  but 
aurth  of  her 

is  as  ten  to 
ve  to  one. 

strength  of 
las  here  the 

j^ngland  is 
It  this  time 


than  it  ever  was  before  since  she  has  beena  nation.  If  we  could  choose  for 
ourselves  a  period  the  most  favorable  for  attacking  her  with  a  prospect  of 
success,  this  would  be  the  very  *rorst  for  us  we  could  select. 

And  now  let  it  not  be  supposed  that  I  seek  to  deprqciate  our  own 
strength,  or  to  exaggerate  hers.  I  have  not  taken  the  largest  statements 
I  have  seen  of  the  force  of  Great  Britain,  but  adopted  those  which  vfar-e 
the  most  reliable,    I  hold,  in  the  language  of  Hemmings,  that 

"To  broach  a  war,  and  not  to  1)6  assur'd 
'  >       Of  certain  means  to  make  a  fair  defence, 

Howe'er  the  cause  be  right,  may  justly  seem 
A  wilful  madness." 

If  we  have  a  clear  and  indisputable  right  to  the  whole  territory  of  Oregon, 
we  ought  to  select  for  its  assertion  and  maintenance  a  period  when  we  are: 
ready  to  maintain  it.  Without  further  expressing  any  opinion  oji  the  ques- 
tion whether  we  are  ready  now,  I  leave  every  Senator  to  decide  it  in  his 
own  bosom,  for  himself. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  have  not  manifested  any  want  of  confi- 
dence in  the  Executive;  they  have  not  formed  themselves  into  parties  on 
this  question;  the  difference  among  thera,  so  far  as  any  difference  exists, 
arises  from  an  honest  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  foreign  relations  of  the 
country.  I  believe  that  my  countrymen  are  as  ready  to  go  to  war  for  the 
defence  of  their  just  rights  as  any  people  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  All  that 
the  Senator  from  Ohio  said,  and  all  that  he  can  say  in  regard  to  their 
bravery,  or  their  ability  to  protect  themselves,  I  heartily  concur  with.  I 
do  t»ot  underrate  their  prowess  in  battle — far,  very  far,  from  it.    But  I  b'?- 

ieve  that  if  they  could  all  be  gat»liered  together  in  one  mass  in  front  of  the 
President's  mansion,  knowing  that  lie  has  the  power  to  decide  the  question 
whether  we  shall  have  war  or  peace,  they  would  address  him  in  some  such 

anguage  as  was  used  by  the  conqueror  of  Agincourt,  when  he  called  his 

council  round  him,  and  asked  them  to  give  him  their  honest,  sincere  opinion 

to  his  right  to  go  to  war  with  France.    On  that  solemn  occasion  he  is 

represented  by  the  greatest  of  our  dramatic  poets  as  saying  to  them ; 


"God  forbid. 
That  you  should  fashion,  wrest,  or  bow  your  reading, 
Or  nicely  charge  your  understanding  soul 
VVi^h  opening  titles  uiiscreate,  whose  right 
Suits  not  in  native  colors  with  the  truth;  ■ 

For  God  doth  know  how  many,  now  in  health, 
Shall  drop  their  blood  in  approttation 

Of-what  your  wisdom  shall  incite  us  to:  '  •  j. 

Therefore  take  heed  how  you  impawn  our  persons,  W',' 

.   How  you  awake  the  sleeping  sword  of  war;  '  . '. 

We  charge  .yo>*  in  the  name  of  God,  take  heed .'" 

,  Sir,  while  I  aditiit,  nay,  insist,  that  my  countrymen  are  as  brave  as 
any  people  on  earth,  and  as  prompt  U)  vuidicate  their  rights;  and  while  I 
well  know  that,  if  you  convince  thetn  thar  their  title  to  Oregon  is  clear  and 
indisputable,  they  will  be  as  ready  and  as  able  to  maintain  it  as  any  nation 
in  the  world  can  be,  I  would  charge  this  Senate  also,  should  they  be  called 
upon  to  decide  upon  the  question  of  war  or  peace,  in  the  name  of  God,  to 
take  heed!  .        *  '       '  '  ;.^  .-;;-•  .•.'^•';'\.V-*'- ; 

If  we  are  to  have"  a  war  with  England,  an  empire  more  pdw^^^isrftil  than 
ever  was  Rome  in  her  palmiest  days,  let  us  have  a-  just  cause:  then  we 
shall  allstfike  together,  and  I  have  no  doubts  or  fears  as  to  the  issue.   But 


first  let  the  people,  first  let  us  ourselves,  be  convinced  that  we  are  in  the 
right.  Do  not  let  us  go  to  battle  in  a  bad  cause  ;  in  one  that  is  righteous  I 
know  that  we  can  fight  as  well  as  any  people  that  ever  lived. 

If  this  matter  must  come  to  a  war,  the  responsibility  will  rest  on  the  head 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  his  Cabinet;  and  it  will  be,  as  has 
truly  been  observed,  such  a  war  as  the  world  never  yet  saw.  It  will  be 
"the  carnival  of  death,  the  vintage  ol  the  grave."  It  will  be  a  war  be- 
tween men  who  profess  to  be  Christians ;  with  a  people  allied  (o  ourselves 
in  feeling  more  than  all  the  nations  of  the  world ;  a  people  far  advanced 
before  all  mankind  in  intelligence  and  the  arts  and  improvements  of  civil- 
ized life;  a  nation  which  approximates  more  than  any  other  to  our  own 
principles  of  free  government;  a  people  who  "know  their  rights,  and, 
knowing,  dare  maintain  them ;"  a  people  skilful  in  war,  brave  to  a  proverb, 
and  amply  supplied  with  all  the  means  and  sinews  of  war. 

If  we  go  to  war  with  this  people  about  our  title  to  all  Oregon,  at  this 
time,  the  responsibility  will  not  rest  on  me.  Not  on  me — not  on  me  or 
mine,  oh  God  !  let  any  portion  of  the  guilt  or  the  sin  of  such  a  war  ever 
be  found ! 


are  in  the 
righteous  I 

on  the  head 
II  be,  as  has 
It  will  be 
a  war  be- 
0  ourselves 
r  advanced 
Its  of  civil- 
o  our  own 
rights,  and, 
a  proverb, 

on,  at  this 

on  me  or 

a  war  ever 


